Will “Battling Begums” of Bangladesh Come to
a Compromise?
Guest Column by
Dr. Anand Kumar
(The views expressed by the author are his
own)
Bangladesh is
seeking political dialogue between two
Begums who have alternately led the country,
to bring about qualitative change in its
politics. During it’s nearly two year rule
of the country the military backed caretaker
government tried to initiate political
reforms with the hope of changing the face
of Bangladesh politics which many thought
was suffering because of the endless
political hostility between Khaleda Zia and
Shaikh Hasina. These ladies also head the
two mainstream political parties of
Bangladesh.
In fact most of
these reforms were demanded by Shaikh Hasina
in the run up to the now postponed January
2007 elections. But as domestic and
international pressure is increasing for
holding a free and fair election in
Bangladesh the caretaker government now
realizes that this job of eradicating
corruption from public life can not be
completed in a short period and actually the
commitment to this end has to come from the
two leaders, one of whom is likely to lead
Bangladesh after the elections.
The military
backed caretaker government came to power in
Bangladesh in January 2007 following months
of political violence. It imposed emergency
and arrested scores of top politicians,
including two former premiers and dozens of
ex-ministers and lawmakers. It said the
crackdown was aimed at cleaning up
graft-ridden politics in Bangladesh, ranked
the world's most corrupt nation by
Berlin-based Transparency International.
This
anti-corruption drive however seems to be
falling apart due to sloppy legal work and
lack of expertise. Most of the arrested
leaders are now free on bail raising
questions about the judicial process. The
adviser for Home Affairs MA Matin has stated
that the military-backed administration has
slowed down in its efforts against
corruption. It will not be able to reach its
target to have the “maximum number of cases”
resolved before December. Matin, also
chairman of the National Coordination
Committee (NCC) on Serious Crimes and
Corruption informed the media that out of
512 cases, only 152 have so far been tried.
Shortage of time, according to him was one
of the reasons for this.
The Caretaker
government is aware that the political
reform process has not reached its logical
end. Hence it wants to encourage both the
leaders to engage in a dialogue so that the
process could be taken forward and the
culture of political hostility and
mudslinging is not revived. They also hope
that this will bring political stability to
the country in a post-election scenario.
To facilitate
this talk the interim government has
requested barrister Rafiqul Haque, a former
attorney general, who is defending both
Sheikh Hasina and Begum Khaleda Zia, in
court. He has independently advised both the
leaders to put aside their mutual acrimony
and mistrust for the good of the country.
Khaleda has
agreed for talks, but the close associates
of Hasina are insisting that Khaleda must
first apologise for “trying to kill her” and
also to the nation for years of misrule.
They are referring to a 2004 grenade attack
on Hasina’s rally in Dhaka which killed 23
people and wounded over 150. Khaleda was
prime minister at the time. This is a tricky
condition. If Khaleda apologises, this will
also make her guilty for the offence.
Another major
problem in reconciliation between the two
ladies is the presence of Jamaat-e-Islami
and Islami Oikya Jote (IOJ) in the
four-party coalition. Though Awami League
had tied up with Khilafat Mazlis, an Islamic
party earlier, its politics has shifted
dramatically during the emergency rule of
the military backed second caretaker
government. Now it is demanding action
against the war criminals. Awami League
Presidium Member Abdur Razzak has already
stated that BNP should first make its
position clear about militancy,
anti-liberation war forces, war criminals
and fundamentalist forces before a meeting
with Hasina.
These war
criminals were Islamic groups like Jamaat
and IOJ who had supported Pakistan during
the Bangladesh War of Liberation. The demand
of Awami League for action against war
criminals is bound to result into political
hostility with the BNP. BNP critically
depends on Jamaat support. An analysis
conducted by National Democratic Institute
of Bangaldesh (NDI) shows that in the last
elections BNP managed to increase its seats
by nearly 54 percent by a small transfer of
Jamaat votes whereas there was a decline of
about 40 percent in Awami League seats
because of this. Hence BNP will resist any
move to take action against Jamaat.
The caretaker
government is also insisting that all
political parties should register with the
Election Commission before participating in
the parliamentary elections. Though
generally all political parties are
reluctant to go for the registration, the
Islamic parties are facing special problems.
The Special Powers Act (SPA) 1974 strictly
restricts formation of political parties on
the basis of religion. In addition to this,
new provisions of the Representation of the
People Order (RPO) now stand against
registration of the Islamist political
parties. These laws will create problems for
Jamaat in getting registered.
BNP is likely to
support Jamaat on this issue. In the ongoing
political dialogue with the caretaker
government BNP-led four-party alliance has
requested the Election Commission (EC) to
invite all of its components to the proposed
dialogue. This indicated that it is against
keeping Jamaat out of politics.
These are some of
the sticky issues of Bangladesh politics
which are likely to emerge once the election
process is set in motion. Neither BNP nor
Awami League may revert back to old corrupt
ways immediately, but there are many thorny
issues which still remain. Both the ladies
remain in full control of their respective
political parties. The intra-party democracy
is still a distant dream. Presently,
political parties are agreeing to several
conditions just to facilitate transfer of
power to an elected government. But whether
this election will change the political
culture of Bangladesh or bring a qualitative
change in its politics remains doubtful.
Even if the battling Begums come to a
compromise, this may not last.
( The author can be reached at e-mail:
anandkrai@yahoo.com)